I finally got round to reading Neil
McKenna’s “Fanny and Stella: The Young Men who Shocked Victorian England ”-
somewhat belatedly, I admit (it’s not easy to keep on top of a bad book habit
in four languages). This deals with a
Victorian transvestite cause celebre. In
April 1870, Ernest Bolton (known to his many friends and admirers as Stella)
and Frederick Park (Fanny) were arrested leaving the Strand Theatre (a
notorious pick-up venue) after an uproarious night of drinking and
attention-seeking behaviour in the box they were occupying with two young
men. Both were in full on Victorian
female finery (Stella's on the left above, in a photo taken when they were doing some theatre work in Essex). Over a year later the
couple, accompanied by two male associates (with others charged in absentia) were tried on rather
convoluted charges relating to conspiracy to commit sodomy. After a six day trial all defendants were
acquitted. In the intervening year the
investigation had seen both key defendants subjected to grossly intrusive and
humiliating medical inspections to determine whether they bore on their bodies the
traces of regular participation in anal intercourse, the impounding of large
amounts of female clothing, photographs and correspondence stored in rented
accommodation and the mobilisation of police forces as far away as the depths
of rural Scotland in search of suspects.
The case had international ramifications- one of the accused in the Old
Bailey dock was the US
Consul General in Edinburgh . It was also marked by the mysterious,
possibly faked, death of a duke’s son and former MP. The press lapped the whole affair up;
broadside ballads and other ephemera were published to feed public interest.
McKenna’s account (written in a sometimes
florid, even rather camp, style) sweeps the reader through the whole tangled
tale. He refers to the two stars of the
show by their chosen female names throughout- and the choice of gender
identifiers gets a bit confusing at times, though that also reflects the
confusion of contemporary observers.
The case threw a spotlight on a lively and at times remarkably visible
cross dressing scene in mid Victorian London.
This covered a very broad spectrum of activity. At one end there was a world of more-or-less
respectable and at times very public theatrical performances. Stella, blessed with a very fine singing
voice and radiant good looks, had star status, garnering positive reviews in
regional newspapers for her stage appearances (her season in Scarborough
with Lord Arthur Pelham-Clinton, the duke’s son mentioned above and her
intermittent off-stage husband, brought the house down). Fanny, less overtly pretty and requiring
rather more aid from corsetry and the make up case to look her best,
specialised in older feminine roles. Somewhere
below this lurked a world of quasi-private drag balls with suitable retiring
rooms for ladies to fix their make up- or get up to more carnal pleasures- and
rented rooms for part time ladies to store their clothes (Victorian frocks and
underwear must have taken up an awful lot of space…) and entertain friends.
At the other end of the scale lay overt
prostitution. This sometimes overlapped
with an active sub-culture of male prostitution, sometimes competed with the
female variety (Stella first came to the notice of the police when she and
another friend from the theatrical world were attacked by a group of female
prostitutes who saw them as unfair competition). McKenna is in no doubt that both his heroines
engaged in remunerated sexual activity- and that their clients might not always
have been aware that the lady of the night whose services they had procured was
not quite what she seemed. It was a
world in which prostitutes very rarely ever stripped naked to service a client
and where anal intercourse, though frowned on as an import from France, was
nevertheless a common enough request even from straight male clients.
McKenna has intriguing things to say about
the practicalities of Victorian drag.
Stella, Fanny and their friends were beneficiaries of the then-new world
of mail order shopping which made it much easier to acquire cosmetics or items
of clothing without necessarily having to go into a shop (though nascent
department stores also helped to make shopping a more anonymous process than in
the days when a lady would have had to be measured up individually for a new
dress). He doesn’t mention shoes, which
I suspect might have been much more of an issue than frocks (at a pinch girls
could run up their own dresses on the new-fangled sewing machine even if dress
patterns look surprisingly expensive on McKenna’s figures; producing your own
shoes would have been a lot harder). It may have been an advantage that
fashionable female hairdos in the late 1860’s were heavy on artificial hair
extensions, meaning that suitable braids and the like were readily available
and no lady’s hair looked entirely natural.
The downside was that hairdos took a lot of assembly. A girl wanting to go out for a night on the
town would generally acquire assistance in getting ready (this was an era when
servants were to be found a remarkably long way down the social scale), though
it’s gratifying to find that girls generally helped each other out in this area. There were other problematic areas. Clothes
took a lot of upkeep in a world without effective washing machines and there
are some suggestions that Stella and Fanny’s outfits looked far more impressive
in gaslight than in the cold light of day. Unwanted hair was obviously a
problem too; electrolysis lay decades in the future and plucking only got you
so far in any reasonable time frame.
Corsetry helped a good deal in attaining a suitably shapely figure but
might need supplementing; McKenna mentions rather gruesome-sounding breasts
made out of animal innards (I can’t see those ever coming back into fashion
even amongst the most organically minded contemporary t-girl) though Stella and
Fanny seem to have used lots and lots of padding to judge from what the police
took into custody.
And dabbling in prostitution had its own
hazards in a pre-antibiotic age- Fanny eventually died young as a result of
inadequately treated syphilis.
The book is a thoroughly engaging read and
McKenna’s sympathy for his heroines is clear (especially Fanny, who does come
across as the nicer of the two, much less high maintenance and demanding than
her adoptive sister Stella even if she did slide into Lord Arthur’s bed when he
wearied of Stella’s naggings- though I feel McKenna is a bit unfair to her about
her looks- she looks pretty sexy and desirable in the photo below)
It does have some
shortcomings. Some of his literary
references are a bit shaky (Dickens’ Mr Gradgrind is not a factory owner). The precise order of events is sometimes
rather hard to work out. McKenna is
also inclined to present what must surely be his own speculations on his
characters’ subjectivities as fact (neither Stella nor Fanny wrote their
memoirs, after all, and we can only guess at how they saw themselves). When it suits his story he sometimes takes at
face value evidence from individuals whose credibility was trashed by the
defence in the Old Bailey trial.
He also under-examines some of the mysteries
surrounding the case- not least why it was brought in the first place. As McKenna points out, it was not all that rare
for Central London magistrates to find
themselves sitting in judgement on men who’d been pulled in by the police while
out on the streets in drag. They
normally got off with a modest fine for breach of the peace and a slapped
wrist. Fanny and Stella, it rapidly
emerged, had been under surveillance for days if not weeks before they were
arrested by a team of detectives in the Strand Theatre. They were clearly an
above averagely noisy and visible pair but why the special treatment? Some murky documentation (which the defence
exploited to the maximum in the main trial) hinted at conspiracies. Something
unusual was going on here but McKenna never really elucidates what might have
spurred the police into quite such elaborate activity (did E Division of the
Metropolitan Police have nothing more urgent on its casebooks?). My suspicion would be that Stella hooking up
with Lord Arthur may have been part of the issue. He was clearly a monumental embarrassment-
godson of the Prime Minister Mr Gladstone, briefly MP for Newark (a constituency which doesn’t seem to
have much luck with its MPs….), bankrupt and deep in debt (McKenna suggests
that Stella was selling her body to keep them financially afloat as a couple)
and thoroughly indiscreet about his sexual preferences. But surely it would have been simpler to
bundle him out of the country on a remittance rather than risk a prosecution in
which his name was bound to appear prominently (which, if you take the view
that his death was faked, is what happened anyway but only after the damage had
been done; my guess is that the suspicious aspects of his death were a cover
for suicide, a possibility that McKenna doesn’t discuss)?
Similar questions surround the Old Bailey
trial. On the face of it, this saw the
full might of the state on display; the Attorney General led for the
prosecution, the Lord Chief Justice presided.
As McKenna says, however, at times the prosecution’s heart didn’t seem
to be in it. The Attorney General more
or less admitted in his opening speech that the case had been pursued to court
at the insistence of the Home Secretary (and by implication against the advice
of the Law Officers). The police had
cut no end of corners in assembling their case, searching properties and
impounding private property without a warrant. The prosecution witnesses were
either deeply unimpressive (a former policemen thrown off the force for
misconduct, a rather ineffectual theatre manager) or had shifted their ground
in the period since the committal hearings- almost invariably in ways which
favoured the accused (McKenna hints they’d been got at by the defence). Neither Fanny nor Stella took the stand-
they were under no legal obligation to- but Stella’s mother was allowed to give
a bravura performance in support of her offspring which left hardly a dry eye
in the house. She was never seriously
pressed on her convenient memory lapses and the inconsistencies which riddled
her account. Mr Boulton was conveniently
out of the country on business.
It is of course possible that the Attorney
General, Sir Robert Collier, was simply a rather poor courtroom performer who
managed a problematic case badly. He
wasn’t one of the stars of the Victorian bar, his legal career prior to his
appointment had been solid rather than stellar and he would have got the job as
much for political services as for legal expertise. In fairness it was never going to be easy
to prove the (rather convoluted) charges.
It was notoriously difficult to make consensual sodomy charges stick
unless the parties were either caught in
flagrante or one of them was persuaded (or induced) to turn evidence. This wasn’t going to happen here- which was
why the stated charges majored on conspiracy rather than the actual commission
of an offence even though this led to some logical absurdities worthy of WS
Gilbert.
Even conspiracy was hard to prove. Stella and Fanny may have been flamboyant but
they were not utterly reckless; they had gone out of their way to inform the
rather besotted young man in the box with them at the Strand Theatre of their
true gender more than once and he simply didn’t believe them- he was
effectively a defence witness when called.
He wasn’t alone; even when they were in male dress they were often taken
for women posing as men, to the extent that some contemporary commentators
hinted that they might, in today’s parlance, be intersex- a factor further
muddying the already murky waters. For
all its horrors, the medical examinations they had been subjected to worked
doubly in their favour; firstly as the medical luminaries involved voted five
to one that there was no physical evidence of anal sex to be seen on their
bodies and secondly because the whole business of examining them was of highly questionable
legality and did the prosecution little good.
Trying to bring sodomy-related charges
before a jury in the 1870’s wasn’t quite as straightforward as Victorian
stereotypes might imply. As McKenna
notes, there was a seamy side of blackmail and extortion to law enforcement in
this area, where corrupt policemen worked hand in glove with male prostitutes
to extort cash from men not to pursue fraudulent allegations of sexual assault.
Fanny’s brother Harry (though pretty
obviously gay himself) had been the victim of entrapment of this sort and had
skipped bail to avoid the courts- tragically he was the main victim of the
case, tracked down thanks to his correspondence with Fanny and sentenced to
hard labour which killed him. When
arrested, Stella’s first reaction was to offer to pay off the detective
involved- whether with money, sexual favours or both is unclear. The middle aged middle class males who would
have made up the Old Bailey jury were no doubt well aware of this context. They were also, to an extent that McKenna
doesn’t entirely recognise, drawn from a social group which in the
mid-Victorian age might not have liked “sodomites” but was also highly
ambivalent about the assertion of state power to pry into areas of private life
(especially the private lives of middle class individuals) and far less
convinced of the unique wonderfulness of “our policemen” than their children
and grandchildren would become. They
were likely to be every bit as worried about police encroachments on the
liberty of the subject as by claims of sodomitical conspiracies.
A competent defence team could make much of
these concerns. Fanny, Stella and their
comrades in the dock were very well defended indeed- to an extent which leads
one to wonder who was paying the costs. It’s
suggested that the leading solicitor who orchestrated the defence was acting
out of a sense of sympathy for the underdog and that the £5000 plus which must
have been involved (add a couple of zeros or more to get a sense of
contemporary values) came from one of their friends- but she is later recorded
as having died in poverty. Maybe the drag
scene took a whip round to raise the cash (sadly no advertisements for benefit
events survive……); possibly some of the barristers (including the wonderfully
named Mr Straight QC) took the case out of sympathy with Fanny’s father, a
respected judge. It’s an issue McKenna
doesn’t really pursue, perhaps for lack of evidence- but a slightly frustrating
gap.
All things considered, the real puzzle is
why the Home Secretary insisted on going to trial on such a shaky case. McKenna at his most florid implies that the
prosecution was set up to fail in order to show that the nation was not as
undermined by sodomy as some were suggesting.
Put in those terms, this sounds a bit far fetched and depends heavily on
taking one of Collier’s rhetorical flourishes out of its wider context. Bruce’s career doesn’t give many clues. He was hardly one of the big beasts of the
Victorian political jungle; this was the only Cabinet post he ever held as he
gave up politics in the mid 1870’s to pursue his business interests. The only piece of legislation associated
with his name was a Licensing Act which made it a great deal harder to obtain a
licence to sell alcoholic drinks and piled additional regulation on pubs and
bars. This might suggest a puritan
streak- but was very much in line with Gladstonian Liberal attitudes so may not
entirely reflect his personal views. It
is of course possible that the puritanism verging on sanctimony integral to
Gladstonian Liberalism played a role at political level. My guess, for what it’s worth, is a subtle
variant on McKenna’s view- that Bruce pressed for a trial because simply
dropping the case after the initial committal hearing would have been grist to
the mill of those in the media dropping dark hints of wide ranging sodomitical
conspiracies in high places involving the political and social elites. Going to trial, even accepting that the case
was likely to fail, would at least choke off the wilder allegations of cover
ups and conspiracies by allowing justice to be seen to be done. It may be relevant that the press coverage
quoted most by McKenna came from the 1870’s equivalent of the tabloids (the
radical, quasi-republican “Reynolds News”, always looking for a stick to beat
the aristocracy with, the scandal- oriented “Pall Mall Gazette” etc). What else was in the papers at the time? Presumably the Franco-Prussian War and the
Paris Commune got some coverage in the period between the original arrest and
the trial- what were the major domestic news stories that Fanny and Stella were
competing with for headline room? McKenna
doesn’t tell us. I suspect their case
didn’t quite monopolise press coverage for months on end in the way he implies,
for all the Victorian love of a meaty courtroom drama.
McKenna does try to follow his characters
beyond the trial, though in some cases this proves impossible. The two stars had somewhat different fates,
though both ended up in America . Fanny, as noted above, died there a few
years later of terminal syphilis. Stella
opted for a full time stage career working, ultimately with her brother as
accompanist, in a kind of proto-revue act of songs and sketches- though under
an assumed stage name as not every press revue was friendly when it came to
light that she was the notorious Stella Boulton. The photo of her in pastoral mode below dates from that period. The act toured with reasonable success on
both sides of the Atlantic until well into the
1890’s; she died in her fifties in 1903.
She never ended up in the courts again, nor does she seem to have
located another long term partner, which is a little sad. For all their over-the-top behaviour and her
tantrums, she and Fanny seem to have been enjoyable, life-enhancing, people to
know and to have inspired a considerable loyalty from their friends. Despite its shortcomings McKenna’s book
brings them very much back to life.
What I find fascinating - at least looking at your synopsis - is that the author seems to almost assume that the gurls created their personas in a purely male/gay environment with any assistance from actual females. Purely based on a gut instinct, I am much more inclined to believe that they had (at least at first) quite a bit of help from sympathetic women in achieving their female illusions.
ReplyDeleteAs for the complexities inherent in the female fashions of the day: From my own experience I know that it's quite a steep learning curve and a bit of a system shock at first, but it's not nearly as involved and not nearly as debilitating as modern people would assume. Especially not if you have a "partner in crime" to help you, although even that isn't really strictly necessary. It just makes things a slight bit easier.
Make-up is a bit of a tricky issue. Technically "respectable" women were not supposed to use any (although obviously some did) and it wasn't openly sold. Theatrical make-up was a bit of a grey area. However in this context it is also noteworthy that most lotions and tinctures and cosmetics preparations that were actually used tended to be prepared from scratch from ingredients that were not necessarily obviously intended for make-up use. Books about "How to be a lovely woman" at the time were in rather substantial parts recipe books for beauty preparations. And they were a lot of these books around.
I think in quite a few ways the situation in Victorian England was very similar to the situation in Russia today. Officially homosexuality and gender-bending is forwned upon, but as long as you keep in your little corner and don't rock the boat too hard (or are unlucky enough to have angered somebody influential) you are reasonably safe. The trial itself looks like somebody wanted to make an example, but ultimately the establishment seemed more interested in keeping up appearances and playing the whole thing down as a fairly harmless folly rather than making a serious attempt at enforcing the public idea of morality and making a big deal out of it.
Anyway, am looking forward to read the book once I come around to it!