There can’t have been many art exhibitions
(other than those dealing with the work of Damien Hirst…) in which a stuffed
pelican was a key exhibit. The V&A’s
recent show on Tudors, Stuarts and the Russian Tsars, however, had one on
prominent display. The bird in
question, now some 350 years old, was one of a pair brought to England by
Prince Pozorovsky, ambassador from Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich Romanov to the
newly restored Charles II Stuart as a diplomatic present. It’s pleasing to think that its descendants
can still be found taking food from tourists in St James’ Park….
The V&A show shone the spotlight on one
of the more unlikely diplomatic linkages in early modern Europe- that between
the Russian Tsars and the monarchs of England, then Britain, in the years
between the 1550’s and 1690’s -after which Peter the Great’s assertion of his
power and his “westernising” domestic policies put his country’s external
relations on a new footing.. It was a
relationship which began almost by accident.
In 1553 the English mariner Richard Chancellor, looking for a short cut
to China across the top of
Asia (the “north east passage”) was forced ashore by ice somewhere near the
modern city of Archangelsk . The locals were mightily impressed by the
size of his ships and (probably under some duress) sent him off inland to the
court of their ruler, Ivan IV (better known as Ivan the Terrible). Chancellor made a favourable impression
there and, to simplify a rather complex tale, the Chartered Company on whose
account Chancellor was sailing ended up with a monopoly on Western trade with Russia- as a
result of which it took the name of the Muscovy Company. Ivan was at war with his western neighbours
(primarily Poland and Sweden ) and was
only too happy to establish trading links with a far away but putatively
friendly power which could supply him with modern arms and gunpowder. Chancellor was responsible for shipping the
first Russian embassy to England
in 1557 (though they ended up shipwrecked on the Scottish coast they eventually
made it to London ).
This set the scene for relations between
the countries for the next century and a half.
Apart from a sticky period under Ivan’s son Fyodor, these were mostly
friendly. This was helped by the fact
that they were basically commercial in nature.
Even if the Muscovy Company soon lost its absolute monopoly over Russia ’s
western trade links it remained a privileged interlocutor of successive Russian
regimes for many years. Russian and British
foreign policy concerns rarely overlapped in the 16th and 17th
centuries so causes for conflict on that score were minimal. There were other commonalities. Both countries sat on the edge of Europe and had complex, often conflicted, relations with
their neighbours. After the very
earliest contacts established under Mary Tudor’s Catholic regime, both sat
outside the European religious mainstream- England’s idiosyncratic brand of
Protestantism with its strong royal role in church affairs was a surprisingly
good match for Russia’s status as the only independent Orthodox power of any
importance.
In practice most Anglo-Russian diplomacy in
this period was funded by the Muscovy Company and responsive to its
interests. This eventually rather irked
Ivan who complained to his “sister” Queen Elizabeth about the low social status
of the men who were acting as her emissaries to his court. This was unlikely to cut much ice with the
parsimonious Elizabeth ,
only too happy to run diplomacy with somewhere marginal to her primary concerns
on the cheap. Although the social
status of ambassadors on the English side crept up a bit under the Stuarts,
relations with Russia
remained quasi-privatised. Individual
ambassadors might occasionally play a wider political role. One was
instrumental in making peace between Russian and Sweden
in 1617 and the Muscovy Company exercised a de
facto protectorate over parts of northern Russia during the Time of Troubles
between the death of Boris Godunov and the accession of Mikhail Romanov
(1605-12). On the whole, however, the formal
relationship between the countries was amiable but distant for the first ninety
years. On a human level exchanges were
vastly lop sided; there was no Russian counterpart to the small but well-established
permanent English colony in Moscow (some of whose leading lights appear to have
very much “gone native”) and Russian visitors to England were rare indeed.
Things changed a bit with the Civil Wars in
Britain . The majority of the Muscovy Company’s directors
backed Parliament against King Charles.
A Russian Embassy which turned up in 1645 was warmly welcomed in London but not allowed to
cross the lines to visit the King. Tsar
Alexei was not amused. When news of the
execution of King Charles reached Moscow
he reacted with horror. Unlike other
European states, Russia
shunned all contact with the English
Republic and the
Cromwellian Protectorate even after the initial shock had passed and became a
refuge for the most intransigent Royalist exiles. The
most notorious of these was perhaps General Sir Thomas Dalyell (ancestor of the
modern day Labour politician) who vowed never to shave or cut his hair after
the kind’s execution. Presumably he
looked a bit less out of place commanding irregular Cossack cavalry in Russia
than he did back in Scotland after 1660, where he gained a reputation for
extreme brutality in suppressing the illegal open air church services of the
religious and political dissidents remembered (somewhat incorrectly) in
Scotland as the Covenanters.
Obviously relations between Britain and Russia resumed after the
Restoration (hence the pelicans) but on a rather more “official” basis. The Muscovy Company’s role was never quite
the same either. Links between the
countries remained loose but were conducted on a rather more formal basis. One has a faint (and quite anachronistic)
sense of things marking time until Peter seized control of the Russian state
from his sister and encouraging the establishment of permanent embassies on the
modern model (though the St Petersburg
Embassy was for many years a place which would-be diplomats tried to avoid
being sent to- in modern diplomatic parlance it was a “hardship post” because
of the substantial costs which the Ambassador had to meet from his own pocket
on order to keep his country’s end up in a very expensive city, as well as the
health hazards connected with the prodigious consumption of alcohol in fashion
at the Russian court). It’s an
intriguing sidebar to history. The exhibition, full of beautiful things as it
was, didn’t quite map on to it.
One problem was a basic
disparity in material. The core of the
show was a massive (in every sense of the word) collection of English
silverware dating from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The majority of the pieces on show came from
the Moscow Kremlin museum. Not all were
gifts from king (or queen) to tsar; Russian ambassadors did shopping in London behalf of their monarchs while English ambassadors and the Muscovy Company
might make parallel gifts to the tsar or key members of his court. The cumulative effect however was pretty
overwhelming- and must have been equally if not more staggering when the items
were ranked up as a collective assertion of royal power and wealth on grand
occasions in the Kremlin (most of them were far too grand ever to have been
used for anything as vulgar as serving food or drink). Perhaps surprisingly given Russia ’s own turbulent history, English
silverware of this period survives rather better in Russia
than in England ,
where much was melted down for the intrinsic value of the metal during the
Civil Wars. Only present at the V&A
in virtual form, but presumably one of the centrepieces of the show when it
goes to Moscow ,
the lavishly decorated processional coach presented to Boris Godunov by an
English embassy in 1600 also survives as a remarkable example of early coach
building.
The problem is that (stuffed pelicans apart) there
appear to be no equivalent surviving items from the presents which the Russians
brought to London
to balance things out. This is perhaps
understandable as the evidence suggests that the most valued gifts from Russia were
consumable items like furs, gems or hunting birds. Furs were especially prized, especially rare
items like Astrakhan
lamb which in the 16th century was thought to come from a plant
called the “vegetable lamb”. One of Elizabeth ’s ambassadors
had to go to extreme lengths to conceal items which he had been given as a
personal gift from the Tsar from the queen’s claim to pre-emptive rights over
such gifts. This absence of
identifiable surviving gifts is compounded by other cultural disparities
between the partners. Secular painting
in any form only began to appear in Russia in the second half of the 17th
century so, apart from a couple of small, icon-like, portraits of Tsars Mikhail
and Alexei Romanov, there is nothing to compare with the gallery of royal
portraits on the English side. The
wonderful portrait of Elizabeth at the very beginning of her reign (see top)-
or something derived from it- might just possibly have found its way to Russia
if she had shown any interest in taking up Ivan on the proposal of marriage
which he sent her in one of his letters (and what a wonderfully improbable match
that would have been….) but she turned him down tactfully.
This disparity of artistic practice also means
that, one small depiction currently kept in Hungary
apart, there are no images of western embassies being received in Russia . More surprisingly given that one might have
expected a degree of interest in the no doubt exotic emissaries from Russia on the part of London based artists there appear to be no
paintings illustrating the ceremonial surrounding the reception of Russian
ambassadors there. The exhibition tried
to fill this gap with reference to a series of paintings depicting the pomp and
circumstance surrounding the formal reception of a Spanish embassy to Charles
II- all very interesting in its own right but somewhat removed from the Russian
subject matter of the show (especially as Spanish court dress and etiquette was
far closer to that observed in England than Russian practice). The splendid portrait of Prince Potemkin (a
distant relative of the “villages” man) in full Russian finery by Sir Peter
Lely below is a rare late example of a Russian ambassador being painted by a London artist and perhaps
a sign of future developments with the closer integration of Russian diplomats
into the wider work of European diplomacy.
The shortage of “Russian” material led to a
slightly blurred focus in the exhibition, which at times seemed unclear whether
it was primarily about the Anglo-Russian links or covering a wider “courtly
magnificence” agenda. On the one hand,
the choice of portrait paintings (monarchs apart) was very much focused on
people with more or less close links to the Muscovy Company, most of whom were
London merchants or at most very minor gentry- as a result they were often a
bit second division in terms of quality.
Other areas- jewellery and tapestries, for instance- were represented by
high quality items with at best tenuous links to the Russian agenda. This was particularly notable for the early
sections. The Dacre Beasts (below) are
fabulous and I really love them (especially the dolphin) but they
were made decades before Chancellor set sail for the north.
The
same could be said of Henry VIII’s full suit of armour dating from the
1540’s. It’s a great example of high
quality Renaissance armour and a physically imposing presence in the exhibition
(even if the Henry’s 54 inch waistline is an ominous indication of how far he
had gone to seed physically- in the 1520s’s the figure was more like 32 inches)
but again predates links with Russia by a decade and half.
The armour pattern books from the Royal
Armouries in Greenwich give a wonderful sense of
what the well dressed military aristocrat was wearing when preparing to repel
the Spanish Armada but there didn’t seem to be any evidence that Greenwich armour was ever exported to Russia as a diplomatic gift. These were beautiful things to see but all
at one remove from the core subject of the show.
Perhaps it will work better in Russia
as a show primarily about English princely display. I wonder if the stuffed
pelican will find his way home for a visit….
I agree with you in that it was a bit of an unbalanced exhibition that started out strongly (although not entirely related to the theme of the exhibition) and then losing its way a bit. It felt a bit like the exhibition was a bit of an excuse to show off some impressive bits they had hanging around while at the same time trying to find some sort of "hook" to make it a bit more special and exotic.
ReplyDeleteSomewhat interestingly, there was an exhibition in Amsterdam about Alexander the Great's links to the Dutch and this managed to strike a far better balance.
That of course would've been Peter the Great and not Alexander. Damn you, meerkats ;-)
ReplyDeleteThe little blighters have been at me as well- attributing the portrait of Prince Potemkin to Lely when it was by his older contemporary Kneller....
ReplyDeleteI would only mention that being a "Stuffed Pelican" is not nearly so easy as your title implies and that in the US your opinion is only worth "2 bits". Nimsubur has exceeded the opinion quotient three fold
ReplyDeletewith six "bits" in one paragraph? :)
It has been awhile Brian..nice to see you and thanks for joining my site. I am always in need of a scholar of history.